ISBN: Ostalo
Godina izdanja: 1949.
Jezik: Engleski
Autor: Strani

George Lenczowski - Russia and the West in Iran 1918-1948
A Study in Big-Power Rivalry
Rusija i Zapad u Iranu 1918-1948
Studija o rivalstvu velikih sila

Cornell University Press, New York, 1949.
Tvrd povez, 383 strane, ilustrovano.
RETKO!

This story of contention between the great powers in Iran between World War I and the end of World War II concludes with the first confrontation of the Cold War. Although out of print for over 60 years, it tells an interesting story which for me explained why relations of Iran and the West have become so contentious. It deserves a long and careful review and I hope that it will be re-issued.

In these thirty years, Britain was non-interfering in Iran compared to the Soviet Union and Germany, her rivals. Britain only maintained her status quo, which was to keep hold of the Anglo-Persian Oil Company. It is true that Lord Curzon promoted an Anglo-Iranian Treaty which gave Britain responsibility for the organization of Iran`s army and some government departments, a loan for railway development, and compensation for war damages, but the Treaty was rejected first by the British Cabinet, then by the Iranian Paliament (known as the Majlis). The author comments that the treaty constituted the climax of British influence in Iran, and subsequent developments followed the downward trend of Britain`s position there. (p.46) Iranian nationalism was too strong to permit any arrangement to make Iran a protectorate. There were pro-British political parties in Iran, but never in control of the government.

Britain was confident in Iranian self-rule due to the accession in 1925 of Reza Shah Pahlavi, commander of the Cossack Brigade, an Iranian unit and the most capable division of the army. He was above all a nationalist who would not tolerate the Communists. Often likened to Turkey`s Kemal, he was also a westernizer who mandated western clothing for men and women. He established a system of controlled economy, investing government funds heavily in industrial and commercial enterprises.... He wanted to make Iran self-sufficient while laying the foundations for the development of local industry and transporation. (p. 73) In 1933 he obtained a new concession agreement with the Anglo-Iranian Oil Company that was much more favorable to Iran than the old one.

Ever since the 19th century, Russia had been a major trading partner of Iran, but the relation was not at all equal. The Communists rigged their commercial policy to the advantage of Russia and the disadvantage of neighboring states. They also lusted after Iranian territory in the Transcaucasian region, using adventurers like Kuchik Khan and Mohammed Khiaban. Reza Shah fought back, trying to make Iran`s economy less dependent on Russian goods by having Iran manufacture them herself. Being an excellent soldier, he hung on to all territory. The Soviet GPU (a combination of state police and intelligence service) employed agents in Iran (as in much of the world) that spied on ethnic and political groups such as the Kurds, and channeled funds to them, smuggled weapons, and manipulated their internal politics, mostly through the Russian Embassy in Teheran.

Part of Reza`s modernizing drive was to employ thousands of technical specialists from Germany, which quickly became a major influence. German penetration occurred in three phases. First, she came to dominate the transportation system by airline and railway concessions. Then she invested in a wide range of industries: foundries, coal mining, coke, bldg construction, textiles, paper, electric motors, light installations,optics, armaments, military aircraft. Finally there were cultural activities: a periodical, Orient Nachrichten, and publications from Deutsche-Persische Gesellschaft. Academic departments in Germany were expanded. The Iranians were considered pure Aryans and Reza Shah renamed his country Iran (land of Aryans). Germans travelled to Iran and even converted to Islam in record numbers. There was a sinister aspect to the penetration in that German agents intrigued among the tribes and during World War II attempted to disrupt the Allied supply lines to Russia. (The author does not tell us much about this).

During the 1930s the British stuck to their oil concession while Iran and Germany continued their mutual trade, but avoided overt alliance, which would antagonize Britain. When in WW II Germany invaded Russia, that partnership could no longer be maintained. The Allies decided to have supplies delivered en masse to Russia by way of Iran, but Iran`s explicit consent was necessary. The Brits and Russians engaged in a campaign of intimidation, followed by a confrontation with the Iranian Prime Minister. Iran put up a show of defiance, even military resistance, then agreed to expel or intern all the resident Germans. Britain and Russia obtained complete access to all transportation facilities but agreed to withdraw within six months after the end of hostilities.There was now no place for the Shah, who had encouraged the Germanism; he abdicated, naming his son as successor, and ended up in South Africa where he died in 1944.

During the war, Iran was divided into British and Russian zones, with a neutral zone around Teheran. The territorial ambitions of the Soviets were south of the national territory of the Soviet Union in the direction of the Indian Ocean (p.193) as spelled out in the Four-Power Pact of 1940, which divided the world into spheres of influence for Hitler and Molotov at the time of Nazi-Soviet friendship. The Soviet Zone was closed to foreigners, including journalists and diplomats. There was political terror there. Political refugees from the Caucasus were arrested or they inexplicably disappeared. Freedom of the press only partly applied. The author states the servility of the Iranian newspapers toward Russia was extreme. (p.199) This was probably due to the much greater resources of the Soviet propaganda agency in Teheran. The author adds that it is difficult to judge exactly what motivated some Iranians in prominent positions to associate themselves with Soviet propaganda. (p.201). The Red Army was itself an active weapon of propaganda in its various public services for the Iranian population. The author presents an example of the entire process of opinion manipulation on a specific issue in a chapter, The Oil Crisis of 1944 (pp. 216-223).

As the end of the war approached, political conflicts became more intense. Iranian nationalists wanted Allied troops to leave Iran as soon as possible. By November 1944 the supply route was no longer needed. By May 1945, the British had already begun to withdraw, but the Russians kept troops in Teheran and scaled up their propaganda. A conflict over Azerbaijan broke out again. The Tudeh (Communist) Party staged a rehearsal for the takeover of Teheran. Iranian gendermerie were confined by Soviet authorities.Telegraph lines were cut.The British response was feeble.Then Red Army divisions entered Iran and the Tudeh (Communists), now re-named the Democrat party, began occupying government offices, killing officials, blocking movement of the police, and keeping the journalists and mail from entering Azerbaijan. A Provisional Congress was declared, of only Democratic members.

It is impossible to present this snarled conflict adequately here. By the final provisions of the agreement that ended it, the Democrats got an oil company, half to be owned by the Communists and half by Iran, a delay of three months in evacuating the Red Army, and infrastructure improvements.A conference involving the great powers was necessary. The United States played a much greater role than it had in Iran previously and elarned a great deal. It was the first conflict of the Cold War.